Socrates.
by Maxwell Y. Maxwell, LL.B.
Volume 11, 1900, pgs. 310-319
"For human nature is so constituted that it can forgive almost anything except that which ruffles its dignity"
[Read before the Hampstead Branch of the P.N.E.U., December 8th, 1899.]
(Continued from pg. 215.)
That Socrates firmly believed he had received a Divine commission and was the constant subject of supernatural communications, is, I think, abundantly evident, both from his own statements and from the very nature of his work. For, as Mr. Grote has well pointed out, he was not simply a philosopher but a religious missionary doing the work of philosophy; that nothing of this character belonged either to his predecessors or to his immediate successors such as Plato and Aristotle; and that the philosophical motive alone could not have sufficed to prompt him to that systematic and even obtrusive cross-examination which he adopted as the business of his life. But, in addition, we have his own specific declarations on the subject, of which I will give a few illustrations taken from the "Apology."
Thus, in one part he says, "It would be a very strange conduct on my part if I were to desert my post from fear of death or of any other thing when God has commanded me, as I am persuaded he has done, to spend my life in searching for wisdom and in examining myself and others." Again he says, "If you, O Athenians, were to say to me, 'Socrates, this time we will not listen to Anytus, we will let you go, but on this condition that you cease from carrying on this search of yours and from philosophy,' I should reply, 'Athenians, I hold you in the highest regard and love, but I will obey God rather than you, and as long as I have breath and strength, I will not cease from philosophy and from exhorting you and declaring the truth to every one of you whom I meet.'" And once more, "God has sent me to attack the City as if it were a great and noble horse, to use a quaint simile, which was rather sluggish from its size, and which needed to be aroused by a gad-fly, and I think that I am the gad-fly that God has sent to the City to attack it. And you may easily see that it is God who has given me to your City; a mere human impulse would never led me to neglect all my own interests or to endure seeing my private affairs neglected now for so many years, while it made me busy myself unceasingly in your interests, and go to each man of you by himself, like a father or an elder brother, trying to persuade him to care for virtue."
As to the modes by which the Divine Communications were made to Socrates, I have already quoted his own words in which he specially refers to oracles and dreams. But in the "Apology" he also alludes to another mode distinct from these which has not only appeared to differentiate him from all reformers before and after, but has also given rise to much discussion as to his actual meaning and significance. I refer to what is generally known as the Socratic "Demon" or "Genius." Thus, in one place in which he is referring to the careful abstention from all political affairs which had marked his life he says, "You have often heard me speak of my reason for this ; it is that I have a certain Divine sign from God which is the Divinity that Meletus (his accuser) has caricatured in his indictment. I have had it from childhood, it is a kind of Voice which, whenever I hear it, always turns me back from something which I was going to do, but never urges me to act. It is this which has always forbade me to take part in politics."
It will thus be seen that nothing can be clearer or more definite than the fact of Socrates' own belief in the reality of these Divine Communications; and I venture to think that any difficulty which may arise in respect to the acceptance of his testimony to their existence, or as to the source from when they sprung, will be found to proceed from one of three causes. First, a disbelief in the supernatural altogether, which will explain the attitude of the French physiologist, M. Lélut, referred to by Mr. Grote, who declares that, on this subject, Socrates is a madman, and only fit to rank with Swedenborg, Luther, and Pascal. Secondly, the tendency which existed among the older theologians to restrict the Divine Communications to one or at most two channels, viz., the Jewish Prophets and the Christian Apostles, which has led many early Christian writers and some of their later commentators to regard the Socratic Demon as being either a malignant spirit or a fallen Angel, if not an emanation from Satan himself. And in the third place, much misconception has arisen both in ancient and modern times from the existence of a preconceived notion as to the meaning of the term used by Socrates to express the nature of the Divine Communications made to him. To the earlier commentators, both heathen and Christian, the Greek word daimon (or 'o daimon), like the corresponding term in Latin (genius), had a special meaning and significance, being used to denote the tutelary deity which was supposed to exist behind every individual man. As you will recollect, to the ancient classical world, the physical universe always presented itself in a duplex form, that is to say, as consisting of the material phenomenon with a corresponding spiritual side, the latter being represented by its appropriate nymph or minor divinity which was inseparably bound up with it. Thus the greater seas had their Okeanides; the rivers and fountains their Naiads; the trees their Dryades; and the mountains their Oreades; and in like manner every individual man had his "Daimon" or "Genius" who was his special guardian and spiritual representative. This Daimon or Genius was also always regarded as a divinity, distinct from, and, of course, superior to the individual man in whom he dwelt, but also as being far inferior to the supreme Gods (or o'i theoi); so that while the "theoi" could be regarded as daimones or tutelary deities; it were impious to speak of the daimones, as "theoi". And it was generally taken for granted by the writers to whom I have referred, and by some of their modern successors, that, in his use of the term "Divine Voices", Socrates meant to indicate this special and personally-existing "genius" or "daimon." But a careful examination of the contemporary narratives of Plato and Xenophon will show, in the first place, that the masculine substantive ('o daimon) is never used by Socrates at all; and, in the second place, that the term which is generally used by Plato (To daimonion) is often expressed in Xenophon by the term " 'o theos" or "To theion," and also in one passage in the "Apology" Plato actually uses both terms in the same paragraph to indicate the same thing. Thus, in the first sentence of Section 40, he makes Socrates speak of the Divine Voice as "To daimonion," but in the third sentence of the same section he calls it "the sign of God" (Greek.)
It is impossible therefore to suppose that Socrates was under any delusion when he spoke of the special manifestations made to him as the "Divine Voice," or that they were other than the direct promptings of the Divine Spirit. And, to us as Christians, there is an argument in favour of this view which has, at any rate, the force of an argumentum ad hominem, viz., that in Christianity and in the higher Christian Consciousness we find an almost exact parallel to each of the two instances of the manifestations of the Divine Voice which are recorded in the Apology. In the first case, you will recollect that it forbade Socrates to personally engage in politics or to aspire to rule the State, in order that he might secure the necessary time in which to instruct his countrymen in true knowledge; and to resign the luxury and worldly position of the professional sophist so that he could the more readily inculcate virtue and practise it. And in what essential does this differ from the case of the modern Christian, who abandons the pursuit of wealth, the chances of a political or of a professional success in life, or the academic dignity and ease to which his culture and abilities have entitled him, in obedience to what he believes to be a Divine call to the arduous duties of a Christian pastor; or to undergo the labours, dangers, and sufferings of a Christian missionary in a heathen land? And in the second case, in which, in connection with his trial, the Divine voice forbade Socrates either to accept the assistance of a professional orator which was pressed upon him by his friends, or personally to prepare his defence; are we not thereby reminded of Him who walked beside the Syrian Sea, and who told His disciples that when they should be prosecuted on the charges of heresy and of treason against the State, they should settle it in their hearts not to meditate beforehand how to answer, for that He would give them a mouth and a wisdom which all their adversaries would not be able to gainsay?
But whatever may be the conclusions to which we have arrived as to the nature of the Socratic "Demon" or "Genius," it is perfectly clear that the enemies of Socrates believed, or pretended to believe, that he regarded it as an external Deity whom he consulted and even worshipped, to the neglect of the authorized Gods of the State. Accordingly, in the year B.C. 399, when Socrates was about 70 years of age, a formidable indictment was laid against him in the offices of the Archon Basileus, which ran as follows, viz.:--"Socrates is guilty of crime; first, in not worshipping the Gods whom the City worships; next, in introducing new divinities of his own; and third, for corrupting the youth. The penalty due is death."
It is important and interesting to notice that no charge reflecting upon his personal or political life was ever brought against Socrates, but that his accusers were obliged to fall back upon what has always been the staple accusation against reformers in advance of their times, viz., vague charges of Atheism, heresy, and the corruption of youth. But none the less serious was this threefold accusation, it being indeed equivalent to one of high treason against the State; and moreover, it had a terrible significance and weight owing to some special circumstances of the time. In the first place, you will recollect that to the classical world the charge of Atheism was specially odious, owing to the fact that the Gods of the State were always regarded by its people as its tutelary deities or special guardians. And, hence, the neglect to observe the private rites, or to take part in the public ceremonies of any of the State deities by any individual, was regarded not so much as a sin, as an offence against public morality and as a crime against the State: inasmuch as it was considered that the neglected Deity would not be satisfied by venting his wrath upon the offending individual, but would visit the whole community with his vengeance.
And in the second place, the charge of corrupting the youth of the City which was made one of the articles of the legal indictment now brought against Socrates, was unfortunately one with which the Athenians were only too familiar.
For, as you will recollect, it forms the basis of Aristophanes' comedy of "The Clouds," in which Socrates was introduced by name as a professional Sophist who, for large fees, teaches his promising pupil, Phidippides (easily recognizable as Alkibiades), "how to make the worse appear the better reason" and to successfully cheat his father and creditors by his new species of wisdom. And it must be borne in mind, that great as is the influence of the drama at the present time, it was ten times more influential in Athens; partly because it was the most important vehicle of public instruction, and partly also because it was always free and open to all citizens of the State. It must also be recollected that, rightly or wrongly, Socrates was generally regarded by his contemporaries as having been the teacher and instructor both of Alkibiades and of Critias, the two men who of all others were detested (and most justly detested) by the Athenians; the first as being the chief cause of the calamities that befel the City during the Peloponnesian war, and the latter as being the prime mover in the fearful cruelties which accompanied the rule of the Thirty Tyrants immediately following upon its conclusion.
It was, therefore, with much apprehension that these legal proceedings were regarded by the friends of Socrates, and offers of professional assistance in his defence were poured in upon him from all sides. But these apprehensions were apparently not shared by Socrates, who himself manifested the most supreme indifference to the accusation, convinced as he was that all would turn out for the best; and trustfully leaving the final issue in the hands of God, who alone knew whether death or life were better for him. He therefore refused all the offers of assistance that were made to him, declined even to converse about the trial with his friends, and resolutely refused to prepare his defence, being, as he said, forbidden to do so by the Divine Voice.
With regard to the tribunal before which the trial took place, it may be of interest to call attention to its nature and composition, as it forcibly illustrates the extraordinary democratic character of the Athenian Constitution; and also indicates the extreme precautions that were taken to secure an impartial trial in every case, and to prevent the possibility of the bribery, or the intimidation of the judges. As I have already mentioned, every free citizen of Athens (that is to say every male born in lawful wedlock of an Athenian father and Athenian mother) and over thirty years of age, not only possessed the franchise, but was also eligible for election to every office in the State. And not only so, but it was also enacted (in order that the poorer members should possess the same privileges as the more wealthy) that appointment to almost all the offices should not be made by nomination and election, but should be decided by lot. Amongst the offices thus constituted was that of the dikasts, who practically exercised the combined functions of judge and jury in all important causes, both civil and criminal. And the mode of their appointment was as follows, viz., every year, 6000 of the citizens were selected by lot to serve as dikasts for the year in which they were chosen, and of these, 3000 were empanelled in 10 different dikasteries of 500 members each, the remaining 1000 being held in reserve in order to fill up any casual vacancy that might occur. It was further enacted that all matters affecting the life or liberty of any citizen, and all cases of contract beyond a certain specified amount, should be remitted for hearing and settlement to one of these dikasteries; the Archon or magistrate who was engaged in preliminary investigation in each case respectively not even being allowed to choose a dikastery for its hearing, but being compelled to make his selection by lot.
It was therefore before one of the dikasteries that the trial of Socrates took place, the chief accuser being one Anytus, an important and most influential citizen of the period, who had rendered great service to the community in the struggle against the Thirty Tyrants, which had taken place about four years previously. And with him were associated, probably for rhetorical reasons, Meletus, a professional orator, and Lycon, a professional poet: whilst on the opposite side stood Socrates alone. Unfortunately the details of the trial have not been handed down to us, but we know the fact that it lasted three days, and we have, almost in complete form, that most precious heritage for all time, the "Apology" or "Defence of Socrates." Of this immortal defence it is impossible for me to give even a summary, and, indeed, nothing but itself can properly convey an adequate idea of its lofty dignity and grandeur, mingled with a pathetic beauty, and almost a compassionate regard for the honour and true welfare of the Athenian people. Its language, however, is very far from being that of a criminal anxious to save his life, but is rather that of an impartial arbiter who would dispel erroneous notions by a simple setting forth of the truth, or of a patriot warning the countrymen he loves against the commission of injustice and wrong. At the same time, his sense of the dignity and importance of his mission is never so far forgotten as to allow him to address the judges in terms of entreaty. Their sentence is not feared, whatever it may be. He stands in the service of God, is even then supported by the Divine Voice, and is determined to keep his post in the face of every danger. And no earthly commands shall make him faithless to his high calling, or prevent him from obeying God rather than the Athenians.
The result of such a speech was exactly what might have been expected. Socrates was found guilty, but by so small a majority (variously estimated as from six to sixty) that it is evident he would have been acquitted were it not for the independence of his attitude before his judges. For human nature is so constituted that it can forgive almost anything except that which ruffles its dignity; and experience has abundantly shown that neither ancient nor modern judges have ever been noted for extreme patience with language or conduct which seems to them to indicate a want of respect for properly constituted authority. And to the Athenian judges, who had seen even the great Pericles pleading before them with strong crying and tears in order to save the life of his beloved Aspasia, it must have seemed nothing less than contempt for the judicial office on the part of the prisoner, which had thus led him to dispense with the customs and practices, and even with the deferences, usual in a criminal court.
It was, however, still possible for his life to be preserved, for according to the Athenian mode of legal procedure, the accused had the right of suggesting a counter-penalty to that proposed by the accuser; and it is probable that the judges would have been satisfied with the infliction of a small fine, accompanied by his temporary withdrawal from Athens to some other Greek city.
But Socrates refused to listen to any such proposals. "I am not," he says, "accustomed to think that I deserve any punishment. And what counter-penalty shall I propose to you, O Athenians? What I deserve, of course, must I not? So if I am to propose the penalty I really deserve, I propose this; a public maintenance in the Prytaneum," which practically meant the bestowal of the highest honours that it was in the power of the State to grant. Yielding, however, to the entreaties of Plato and his other friends he announced his willingness to pay a fine. "If I had been rich," he says, "I would have proposed as large a fine as I could pay, that would have done me no harm. But I am not rich enough to pay a fine unless you are willing to fix it at a sum within my means.
Perhaps I could pay you a mina (£4; about six dollars?), so I propose that. Plato here and Crito and Apollodorus bid me propose thirty minae and they will be sureties for me. So I propose thirty minae." But the proposal came too late, as the mischief was done. To the majority of the judges, his previous language appeared only in the light of an incorrigible obstinacy and contempt of court; and hence, the penalty claimed by the accusers was awarded--the sentence of death.
And, once more, the old man raised his voice, not in reproaches, but in solemn warning to those who had voted for his death; winding up with those beautiful words with which the "Apology" closes--"Yet I have one request to make of you, O Athenians. When my sons grow up, visit them with punishment and vex them in the same way that I have vexed you, if they seem to you to care for riches or for any other thing before virtue; and if they think they are something when they are nothing at all, reproach them as I have reproached you for not caring for what they should, and for thinking that they are great men when in fact they are worthless. And if you will do this, I myself and my sons will have received our deserts at your hands. And now the time has come and we must go hence; I to die and you to live. But whether life or death be better, is known to God and to God alone."
Under ordinary circumstances the sentence pronounced would have been carried into execution on the following day; but owing to the fact of the absence from Athens of the Sacred Ship on its mission to Delos, the life of Socrates was prolonged for thirty days, during which he was kept in prison, but allowed to hold his accustomed intercourse with his friends. It is to this circumstance that we are indebted for the second and third of the Platonic Dialogues called respectively "The Crito" and "The Phaedo." The first of these is chiefly interesting from the fact that it tells us of the arrangement made by his friends to enable Socrates to escape from prison, and his indignant refusal of the project; both on account of its being derogatory to his personal dignity, and also as being a breach of the Athenian laws. But in the "Phaedo" we have those long dissertations in which Socrates is made to assert the Immortality of the Soul, which, however, I am obliged to confess, seem to me to have rather a Platonic than a Socratic origin: for while no doubt the belief is that of Socrates, the arguments by which it is supported are undoubtedly those of Plato.
And it also contains a full account of the last scene of all, in which, surrounded by his friends, the fatal cup of hemlock is taken, and the heroic soul of Socrates passes away from the City of the Violet Crown into the presence of the Living God, and into the company of the just men who, like him, were made perfect through suffering.
I should now pass on to the third part of my subject, viz., the nature of the permanent "message" to humanity which was given to it by Socrates. But as this practically means an examination of the whole of the Socratic philosophy, both in respect to its matter and its form, and also involves an explanation of its limitations and defects, as well as of its advantages and influences, I am reluctantly compelled by considerations of time to postpone my treatment of the subject until some other occasion, when I hope to have the pleasure of undertaking it.
But in the meantime, I will venture to hope that, so far, I have secured your adhesion to the principles with which I started: first, as to what are the necessary and essential constituents of true greatness; and secondly, that tried by the standard which they present, I have shown that Socrates was one of the greatest of mankind.
Proofread by LNL, Jun. 2011